Book
Review
Dr Herbert
McGonigle, Chairman of the Wesley Fellowship,
reviews a book on the origins of Methodism.
The Genesis
of Methodism, by
Frederick Dreyer (Lehigh University Press, Penn.
USA 1999) 138 pp. hardback, ISBN 0-934223-56-4.
This
is a book with a mission. Convinced that
John Wesley himself, and nearly all subsequent
Wesleyan historians, have deliberately ‘played
down’ the Moravian influences on the
origins of ‘Methodism,’ Mr Dreyer
is determined to redress the balance. The origins
of Moravianism in Germany and England are examined
and, in particular, the evidence of how both
German and English Moravianism deeply influenced
the spiritual experiences of the Wesley brothers
and the revival movement they headed. The
first distinctly Moravian ‘Society’ was
founded in London on 1 May, 1738 by the German
Moravian teacher, Peter Bohler, and it became
the Fetter Lane Society. Both John and
Charles Wesley were members of it and it attracted
men and women from various other groupings,
including the Oxford ‘Holy Club,’ those
who were members of the Religious Societies
and those who met together as a result of the
preaching of George Whitefield. This
Society grew in number and influence until
a serious split occurred in July 1740. The
division was occasioned by the Moravian promotion
of ‘stillness’ teaching, which
advocated that the unsaved should refrain from
all the means of grace until they were truly
converted. Both John and Charles Wesley
strongly opposed this teaching, left the Fetter
Lane gathering and set up their own ‘Society’ at
the Foundery with about eighty people who joined
them from Fetter Lane. This was the beginning
of what came to be known as Wesleyan Methodism.
Mr
Dreyer notes that John Wesley had always paid
tribute to the spiritual help and direction
he had received from the Moravians but accuses
him of seeking to deny his Moravian roots in
his later years. It is alleged that when Wesley
published A Plain Account of the People
Called Methodists in 1748, the Moravians
were not even mentioned. But the accusation
goes further. The ‘Plain Account was
written to mislead… Wesley lied… He
lied when he attributed the origin of the Methodist
constitution to a succession of accidents and
improvisations’ (p. 76). This is
a serious charge but where is the evidence? If
Mr Dreyer had paid more careful attention to
Wesley’s opening paragraph, he could
not have made this accusation. The Plain
Account was written to the Rev. Vincent
Perronet, vicar of Shoreham, who became a lifelong
friend of the Wesleys and the revival. Wesley
began by saying that Mr Perronet had requested
an account of the people called Methodists
and Wesley had responded by writing a brief
history. Wesley acknowledged it was not ‘a
full account’ but it was ‘true’. To
supplement that earlier record, Wesley now
composed the Plain Account. This second
account did not need to repeat what the first
account had said, so of course it does not
give all the details of the origins of Methodism. Unfortunately
the first account no longer exists, but there
are no grounds for alleging that John Wesley
lied in this second account. To charge
any Christian, especially a Christian leader,
of lying, indeed to make two such allegations,
is a serious breach of Christian charity – especially
when it is only speculation.
The
thesis of this book is that Methodism owed
its beginnings to Moravianism, and in this
way its connections with the Church of England
are played down. Mr Dreyer notes that
John Wesley’s 1775 Conference discussed
a plan to have his preachers ordained by Anglican
bishops but nothing came of it. Then
comes the comment. ‘Even supposing that
ordination is something the bishops would have
given, we cannot assume it was something Wesley
sought’ (p.17). This is a most surprising
conclusion. Wesley was delighted when
the Bishop of Londonderry ordained his first
lay preacher, Thomas Maxfield (Journal,
5:11), and requested Dr Robert Lowth, Bishop
of London (1777-87) more than once to ordain
his preachers but without success. When
Wesley ordained two of his preachers in 1784,
his defence was: ‘I asked the bishops
and they would not help’ (Journal,
8:333). Earlier he had written that episcopal
ordination is ‘that ordination we prefer
to any other.’ In the face of this incontrovertible
evidence of how John Wesley desired episcopal
ordination for his preachers, Mr Dreyer’s
comment is certainly wide of the mark.
Noting
that John Wesley omitted the Athanasian Creed
from his edited version of the Book of Common
Prayer prepared for American Methodism,
Mr Dreyer says: ‘Although Wesley was
no Unitarian, Unitarianism was not something
he wanted condemned in public worship week
after week. In a sense, orthodoxy did
not matter’ (p.31). To say the
least, this is a most unguarded and misleading
interpretation. In the late 1750s John
Wesley made long and vigorous protests against
what he described as the ‘poison’ of
Dr John Taylor’s Socinian Christology
and soteriology. He spent ten weeks in
writing his own very detailed reply to Taylor
with his, Doctrine of Original Sin according
to Scripture, Reason and Experience (1757).
He castigated Taylor’s Socinianism as
having wounded the Christian faith more seriously
than any other attack since Mahomet. Hardly
the reaction of someone who thought ‘orthodoxy
did not matter’!
The
charge is made that John Wesley was an ‘ex-Moravian
itinerant’ who tried very hard to disown
his Moravian background (p.77). When Wesley
returned from his visit to Herrnhut, the Moravian
headquarters in Germany, in September 1738,
he immediately began preaching to gatherings
of people in the London area. In his Journal he
speaks about ‘a large company,’ ‘a
society,’ ‘a small company,’ and
such like. This book asserts that these
societies ‘may owe their existence to
Moravian initiative’ (p.73). Presumably
this speculation is suggested to lend strength
to the suggestion that John Wesley was a ‘Moravian
itinerant.’ That he was very friendly
with the Moravians is undeniable - nor did
Wesley himself ever wish to deny it – but,
that these societies were Moravian is most
unlikely. Moravianism has only been established
in England earlier that year (in March 1738)
and to suggest, that, only six months later,
it had the number of societies mentioned by
Wesley, is hardly credible. Indeed we
are informed that four years later, in 1742,
the total number of Moravian societies in France,
Hesse and England was only twelve! (p.62). These
societies in the London area where John Wesley
preached from September 1738 onwards were either
gatherings of the Religious Societies (begun
by Dr Antony Horneck in c.1678) or the results
of the preaching of George Whitefield. This
book is trying to make the argument that they
were Moravian in origin in order to bolster
its claim that John Wesley was a ‘Moravian
itinerant’ but the evidence is very weak.
Another
serious charge is made against John Wesley’s
Christian spirit. Arguing that the bitterness
of the Fetter Lane schism made it difficult
for Wesley to tell the truth about his former
friends, it is concluded that ‘it is
not easy to acknowledge a debt to people one
has come to hate’ (p. 76). Did
John Wesley hate his former Moravian friends? The
final break between the Moravians and the Methodists
came not long after Wesley and Count Zinzendorf,
the Moravian founder, met in London in September
1741. They disagreed on the question
of Christian holiness and Wesley thought that
Zinzendorf’s theology opened the door
to antinomianism. It should be noted that while
Wesley asserted that their interpretation of
Christ’s imputed righteousness could
easily lead to antinomianism, he never alleged,
or hinted, that any of the Moravians were antinomian
in practice. Moravian history records that
Zinzendorf publicly branded the Wesley brothers
as ‘false teachers and deceivers of souls’ and
warned his people to beware of them. Clearly
there were strong feelings on both sides but
there is simply no evidence that John Wesley
came to hate the people who had helped him
so much. In 1746 he wrote: ‘There
has not been one day for these seven years
last past wherein my soul has not longed for
union… The body of the Moravian Church… are
the best Christians in the world… I
cannot speak of them but with tender affection.’ In
November 1763 he met his old Moravian friend,
John Gambold, and lamented: ‘Who but
Count Zinzendorf could have separated such
friends as we are. Shall we never unite
again?’ Eight years later he met
another old Moravian friend, James Hutton,
and recorded that they ‘conversed just
as we did in 1738 when we met in Fetter Lane.’ Following
this very friendly meeting with Hutton, Wesley
wrote to him. ‘After having seen
above half a century of years, we are sick
of strife and contention. If we do not
yet think alike, we may at least love alike.’ John
Wesley expressed these sentiments between 1746
and 1771 and they certainly don’t sound
as if he is talking about people he hates! Significantly
Mr Dreyer’s book does not mention any
of these references.
There
are many good things in this book. The description
of the Moravian understanding of sin, grace
and conversion is particularly well done, especially
as it relates to significant developments in
their understanding of regeneration post 1738. How
both the Moravians and the Methodists reacted
to the Enlightenment of their century, and
how their concept of revival responded to the
growing rationalism of their age, is given
very good treatment in chapter 4. John
Wesley’s debt to the Moravians was very
great and he freely acknowledged it. Undoubtedly
Moravianism could have been dealt with more
adequately by some Methodist historians
but this book protests too much. Seeking
to redress what he sees, rightly, as an imbalance
in some of the historical accounts of Moravian/Methodist
relations, Mr Dreyer has drawn attention to
important points. He has, however, in the opinion
of this reviewer, seriously spoiled his case
by being too one sided and too partisan - the
very ‘sins’ he purports to find
in others.
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